INTRODUCTION TO STATISTICS Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Prologue TO STATISTICS - Essay Example In any case, this relationship is feeble. At long last, deals per square meter and deals floor space of the store I the main blend with a negative relationship. The two factors have a connection coefficient of - 0.29379 which suggests that when one variable builds, the other one declines. The chart above presentations information focuses that look like a rising line from the left hand side to the correct hand side of the diagram. Despite the fact that the greater part of the focuses are bunched to one side of the chart, the incline of the expected (line of best fit) is certain. This shows there is a positive connection which infers that the more the quantity of full-clocks, the more the deals per square meter. This plot bolsters the determined relationship coefficient (0.237185). Since the determined t is more noteworthy than the arranged t (4.876932>1.96), we neglect to acknowledge the invalid speculation and presume that the relationship exists between deals per square meter and the quantity of full-clocks. From the above chart, information focuses look like a rising line from the left hand side to the correct hand. The greater part of the focuses are grouped to one side of the diagram however the incline of the expected (line of best fit) is sure. This delineates there is a positive connection inferring that the more the quantity of seasonal workers, the more the deals per square meter. In addition, it underpins the determined connection coefficient of the two factors (0.050085). Since the determined t is littler than the classified t (1.001704

Report of Antigone Essay Example

Report of Antigone Paper Being the third, yet first composed, of Sophocles Theban lamentable fantasies, Antigone was written in or around 441 B. C. The setting of Antigone happens in the royal residence of Thebes. Thebes is managed by Creon, whose sister, Jocasta, was the spouse and mother of notorious Oedipus Rex. Oedipus was King of Thebes until he removed himself from the realm, leaving his kids Polynices, Ismene, Eteocles, and Antigone, alongside the seat, in Creons care. The two siblings Polynices and Eteocles bite the dust as restricting warriors in a war for the seat. Creon pronounces that since Polynices achieved he war, he won't have the good and conventional entombment that his sibling has been conceded. Or maybe, his body and remains will be left for the vultures and wild canines to destroy. Challenging Creons rules, Antigone willingly volunteers to give her sibling an appropriate internment. Antigone communicates her craving to Ismene, who decreases Antigones demand in help; she does the decent service without anyone else. Back at the royal residence in Thebes, Creon is advised by a gatekeeper that Polynices body has been covered. Creon requests that the crook be brought to him and rebuffed. We will compose a custom paper test on Report of Antigone explicitly for you for just $16.38 $13.9/page Request now We will compose a custom article test on Report of Antigone explicitly for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Recruit Writer We will compose a custom article test on Report of Antigone explicitly for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Recruit Writer Not very long after Creons request, Antigone is carried to the castle with the watchman, having been discovered sobbing at Polynices grave. Antigone gladly assumes liability in having done her siblings internment. Antigone is to be rebuffed for her wrongdoing. Haemon, Creons child and Antigones fianc?â ©, attempts to convince Creon into reexamining Antigones destiny. Rather Haemon winds up incensing Creon and losing his trust; Antigone will even now be rebuffed. Haemon promises that he will never observe his dad again. After Antigone is lead away to be detained in a cavern, a visually impaired and shrewd prophet named Teiresias visits Creon and cautions him of his conceivable destiny. On account of his unjustness, Creon will lose one youngster for leaving Polynices body unburied, and for wrongly detaining Antigone. This prediction happens when Haemon ends it all in the wake of discovering Antigone hanging by a noose in the cavern. Alongside this, Creons spouse likewise slaughters herself. Relating to the postulation, or topic, of this story, I feel that the significance is Justice. Antigone will not obey Creons law, even while knowing the results. She stood firm and offered reparations for her activities since they were what she put stock in. Despite the fact that its questionable in the event that she wasn't right or not, she acknowledged the outcomes in full. While being trialed by Creon, Antigone expresses this: And what law of paradise have I violated? Why, hapless one, would it be advisable for me to look to the divine beings any more, what partner would it be a good idea for me to conjure, when by feel sorry for I have earned the name of profane? Nay, at that point, if these things are satisfying to the divine beings, when I have endured my fate, I will come to know my wrongdoing; however in the event that the transgression is with my Judges, I could wish them no more full proportion of insidiousness than they, on their part, made unfairly to me. From this I deciphered that she had seen no wrong in her doings. Creons law isnt what she accepted to be that of the noble divine beings and that their Judgment is the thing that atters most. Since the start of the book, it was addressed whether Creons assertion the realm for the seat, however something else to consider is whether everybody, including Polynices, is qualified for be appropriately dealt with in the afterlife. In any case, I love great expectation that my coming will be welcome to my dad, and wonderful to thee, my mom, and welcome, sibling, to thee; for, when ye kicked the bucket, with mine own hands I washed and dressed you, and arranged beverage contributions at your graves; and now, Polynices, tis for tending thy cadaver that I win such reward as this. Not exclusively were Antigones disobedience in covering her sibling unbelievable, however so was the way that she was a revolting lady. Ladies were required to obey and have practically zero rights. To be so defiant and free willed may have been threatening to Creon and his situation in power. Comparative demonstrations of insubordination and brave ladies can be found ever. Ladies, for example, Susan B. Anthony, who upheld the appropriate for ladies to cast a ballot, have comparative credits to Antigone. Susan accepted that all ladies were equivalent to men, and she knew the Justice in that being valid. Alongside Susan B. Anthony is a lady named Rosa Parks, who saw that it was unfair for African Americans to be unlawfully required to sit at the rear of the transport, while white-cleaned individuals were most certainly not. Rosa tended to this issue by sitting at the front of the transport and declining to move when inquired. All through the entire story, Antigone is enthused about doing what is Just. At long last, when Antigone has acknowledged her destiny, she announces: It appears to be reasonable for me to kick the bucket doing it should please those beneath a more drawn out time than individuals here, for there I will lie there everlastingly Bibliography Antigone; Sophocles-Prestwick House, Inc. ; 2005 release (December 1 , 2005) Page 40

Making Minimalism (Episode 2)

Making Minimalism (Episode 2) This is the second episode from our new web series Making Minimalism, created by Matt DAvella. Watch the entire series for free on YouTube. About Making Minimalism Creating our documentary, Minimalism, was simple, but not easy. A few years back we jumped in our tour bus (an old Toyota Corolla) and spoke with people around the country about how simple living had changed their lives. Now, with Making Minimalism, were deconstructing how we made the film from the very beginning. You’ll get a look at never-before-seen footage as we detail all of our big wins, failures, breakthroughs, and discoveries. See The Minimalists live on tour.

Ralph Waldo Emerson, John Winthrop, And Benjamin Franklin

What is the ideal mode of life? Society has the difficult decision between valuing the individual or the community as a whole more. Will society benefit more by focusing on the individual perfecting himself or herself and staying true to who they are, or will we benefit more by conforming to the ways of the community? This question has been asked for multiple years and several different answers have been given. Three American writers who have discussed this topic are Ralph Waldo Emerson, John Winthrop, and Benjamin Franklin. Each author has a different view over this subject. Emerson believes someone should not conform to his or her society, while Winthrop believes conformity is what will benefit society; Franklin on the other hand believes in a mix of both. Between all three, Franklin’s idea of a fusion between Emerson’s and Winthrop’s ideal modes of life is the proper balance to create a efficient and affective society. In Ralph Waldo Emerson’s piece â⠂¬Å"Self Reliance†, he discusses the idea that one should not conform to their society and remain true to oneself. Emerson claims those that rely on other people’s ideas are cowardly and lack creativity. In his piece Emerson discusses how youth are self-reliant and maturing becomes a process of conforming. He discusses how youth have their own standards and once the youth reaches adulthood all they are concerned with is the approval of others and their reputation amongst their peers. Between the two age groups, their twoShow MoreRelated1.) What Principles Do Franklin And Thoreau Propose For1340 Words   |  6 Pages1.) What principles do Franklin and Thoreau propose for the conduct of life? To what extent do their principles agree? Benjamin Franklin and Ralph Waldo Emerson propose certain principles for the conduct of life. Franklin is very clear in his proposed principles for life, as he clearly states them in his â€Å"The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin†. One of his main principles is the concept of hard work. Franklin believes that the best way to succeed in life is to work hard. Hard work is a key elementRead MoreBrief Survey of American Literature3339 Words   |  14 PagesAmerican / American Indian oral literature / oral tradition creation storiesï ¼Ë†Ã¨ µ ·Ã¦ º Ã§ ¥Å¾Ã¨ ¯ Ã¯ ¼â€° trickster talesï ¼Ë†Ã¦  ¶Ã¤ ½Å"å‰ §Ã¨â‚¬â€¦Ã¤ ¼  Ã¥ ¥â€¡Ã¯ ¼â€° rituals / ceremoniesï ¼Ë†Ã¥â€¦ ¸Ã¤ » ªÃ¯ ¼â€° songs / chantsï ¼Ë†Ã¦â€º ²Ã¨ ¯ Ã¯ ¼â€° Anglo Settlers’ Writings Highly religious and pragmatic - John Smith, founder of Jamestown, Virginia; Pocahontas - John Winthrop, â€Å"A Model of Christian Charity†: â€Å"†¦ We shall be as a city upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us†¦Ã¢â‚¬  - William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation (1630-50, pub. 1856) - Anne Bradstreet (1612-1672), TheRead MoreThe History of American Literature3501 Words   |  15 Pagestheir voyages to the continent. Italian explorer Amerigo Vespucci provided some of the earliest European descriptions of the American continent. Before 1600 Sir Walter Raleigh, Richard Hakluyt, Thomas Harriot, and John White had published accounts of discoveries. The writings of Captain John Smith, an explorer whose travels took him up and down the eastern seaboard of America, represent a shift from exploration narrative toward early history. Early histories, however, were written mostly by settlersRead MoreAmerican Revolution and Study Guide Essay example5377 Words   |  22 Pagesthe validity of democracy developing in colonial America Pocahontas Anne Hutchinson Benjamin Franklin Royal veto John Rolfe Roger Williams George Whitefield Lord Baltimore William Bradford John Peter Zenger Virtual representation Walter Raleigh John Winthrop Paxton boys James Oglethorpe Puritans Triangular trade First Continental Congress John Smith Separatists Molasses Act Sugar Act Francis Drake Pilgrims Scots-Irish

Angelo Buono, the Hillside Strangler

Angelo Anthony Buono, Jr. was one of the two Hillside Stranglers responsible for the 1977 kidnap, rape, torture and murder of nine girls and young women in the hills of Los Angeles, California. His cousin, Kenneth Bianchi, was his crime partner who later testified against Buono in an effort to avoid the death penalty. The Early Years Angelo Buono, Jr. was born in Rochester, New York, on October 5, 1934. After his parents divorced in 1939, Angelo moved to Glendale, California with his mother and sister. At a very early age, Buono began showing a deep disdain for women. He verbally assaulted his mother, a behavior that later intensified towards all women he encountered. Buono was brought up as Catholic, but he showed no interest in attending church. He was also a poor student and would often skip school, knowing that his mother, who had a full-time job, could do little to control his activities. By the age of 14, Buono had been in a reformatory and was bragging about raping and sodomizing young local girls. The Italian Stallion Beginning in his late teens, Buono married and fathered several children. His wives, who were at first attracted to his macho self-proclaimed Italian Stallion style, would quickly discover that he had a deep loathing for women. He had a strong sexual drive and would physically and sexually abuse  the women in his life. Inflicting pain seemed to add to his sexual pleasure and there were times that he was so abusive, many of the women feared for their lives. Buono had a small, semi-successful car upholstery shop attached to the front of his home. This offered him seclusion, which was what he needed to act out his sexual perversions with many of the young girls in the neighborhood. It was also where his cousin, Kenneth Bianchi, came to live in 1976. A Career Jump Into Pimping Buono and Bianchi embarked on a new career as small-time pimps. Bianchi, who was more attractive than his wiry, large-nosed cousin, would lure young runaway girls to the home, then force them into prostitution, keeping them captive with threats of physical punishment. This worked until their two best girls escaped. Needing to build up their pimp business, Buono purchased a list of prostitutes from a local prostitute. When he figured out he had been scammed, Buono and Bianchi set out for revenge, but could only find the prostitutes friend, Yolanda Washington. The pair raped, tortured and murdered Washington on October 16, 1977. According to authorities, this was Buono and Bianchis first known murder. The Hillside Strangler and Bellingrath Link Over the next two months, Bianchi and Buono raped, tortured and killed another nine women ranging in ages from 12 to 28. The press named the unknown killer as the Hillside Strangler, but police were quick to suspect that more than one person was involved. After two years of hanging around his piggish cousin, Bianchi decided to return to Washington and reunite with his old girlfriend. But murder was on his mind and in January 1979, he raped and murdered Karen Mandic and Diane Wilder in Bellingrath, Washington. Almost immediately the police linked the murders to Bianchi and they brought him in for questioning.  The similarities of his crimes to those of the Hillside Strangler was enough for the detectives to join forces with the Los Angeles detectives and together they question Bianchi. Enough evidence was found in Bianchis home to charge him with the Bellingrath murders. Prosecutors decided to offer Bianchi a life sentence, instead of seeking the death penalty, if he gave full details of his crimes and the name of his partner. Bianchi agreed and Angelo Buono was arrested and charged with nine murders. The End for Buono In 1982, after two lengthy trials, Angelo Buono was found guilty of nine of ten Hillside murders and received a life sentence. Four years into serving his sentence, he married Christine Kizuka, a supervisor at the California State Department of Employee Development and a mother of three. In September 2002, Buono died of a suspected heart attack while in Calipatria State Prison. He was 67 years old. Interesting Note: In 2007, Buonos grandson, Christopher Buono, shot his grandmother, Mary Castillo, then killed himself. Castillo was married to Angelo Buono at one time and the two had five children. One of the five children was Chris father.

Parenting Styles And Their Effects On Children - 2090 Words

Parenting Styles and Their Effects on Children We must all realize the impact we have on the world around us, whether it be an immediate effect or an action that releases a chain of events that is unforeseeable. Taking responsibility for the activities we partake in during everyday life is crucial for progressing in the future. This concept becomes much more actualized when we are raising our children. Children are undoubtedly the future of today. How we raise them will immediately impact what kind of lives they will have in the future, which in turn, will set up the world for years to come. Parents tend to want a stable, and more successful life for their kids. With this in mind, parents should practice reliable parenting styles to ensure their child’s social, emotional, and intellectual development isn’t compromised. The way we raise our kids could lead to a multitude of psychological problems and emotional imbalance if done improperly. Guardians should all engage in the best parenting styles to make sure that our children and leading safe and happy lives that resonate with the future of this world (Mgbemere and Telles, â€Å"Types of Parenting Styles and How to Identify Yours†). The least involved parenting style is one where the parent(s) aren’t aware of what is going on in their child’s life. Respectively, this is called Uninvolved or Neglectful Parenting. In this parenting style, the caretakers aren’t active in their child’s life, therefor missing opportunities to careShow MoreRelatedParenting Styles And Its Effects On Children Essay1558 Words   |  7 PagesThere are four main parenting styles, these four include: authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and uninvolved/neglectful. The way in which parents ‘parent’ their children effect the children on how the child develops into an adult and it affects their cognitive development. Parents that are authoritative encourage and allow their children to be independent, but the parent also sets boundaries and limits. If a child needs to be disciplined or punished, the parent does so, but not in a harmfulRead MoreThe Effects of Parenting Styles on Children781 Words   |  4 Pageshow to raise children and how to be a â€Å"good parent.† Often, parents get advice on how to parent from their own parents, from their close friends, and even experts. There are three main types of parenting styles: authoritarian parenting, permissive parenting, and authoritative parenting. Authoritative parenting is a parenting style characterized by strict rules, harsh punishments and little warmth. Permissive parenting is characterized by parents who are responsive to their children, but lack rulesRead MoreParenting Styles And Its Effects On Children957 Words   |  4 PagesParenting Styles One of the challenges every parent faces is determining the best way to raise their child. Bob Keeshan states that parents are the ultimate role models for children. Every word, movement and action has an effect. No other person or outside force has a greater influence on a child than the parent. Parents use various techniques to raise their kids. How a child is raised or developed depends on the structures that the parents used. A parent is not intrinsically bad or good; he or sheRead MoreParenting Styles And Its Effect On Children Essay1382 Words   |  6 Pagessituation or opinion based on how we were raised, or how we raise-or plan on raising-our own children. With this said it is undeniable that parenting styles and their effectiveness vary. In research, parenting styles have been split into four categories the authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, and the uninvolved. Within these categories, researches have attempted to map the effectiveness of parenting styles and the pos itive and negative outcomes of each. Despite the eclectic and commonly erraticRead MoreParenting Styles And Their Effects On Children1572 Words   |  7 PagesParenting Styles and Their Effects on Children Parents play a key role in their children’s lives, including supervision, involvement, love, support, comfort, and a wide variety of discipline and punishment. The relationship between parenting styles and child is vital and impacts the child’s physical, mental, and emotional well-being. Parenting involves two dimensions, demandingness and responsiveness sometimes referred to as control and warmth. With the use of these dimensions four parenting stylesRead MoreParenting Styles and Their Effects on Children1545 Words   |  7 Pageshave found patterns in parenting styles and their effects on children. Parenting isn’t only a collection of skills, rules, and tricks of the trade (Lloyd, Carol. 2012)†, it defines who you become, reflects your culture and represents values important in a family. Parenting style has a long term impact on a child’s development, success and outlook on life. The three styles of parenting are permissive parenting/hands-off p arenting , authoritarian parenting, authoritative parenting .Studies revealed thatRead MoreOverview of Parenting Styles and Their Effects on Children1463 Words   |  6 PagesAccording to Webster’s dictionary, the definition of parenting is of â€Å"the process of raising and educating a child from birth to adulthood.† Have you ever pondered on how different you would be if your parents would have raised you differently? Everyone was raised differently, therefore we all will be different types of parents. We may cherish the way our parents raised and disciplined us, so we’ll utilize those techniques when we become parents. On the other side, we may despise the way our parentsRead Moreeffect of parenting style on the academic development of children6694 Words   |  27 Pagesview on parenting as the skill or activity of looking after your own children. Davies (2000) opined that parenting (or child rearing is the process of promoting and supporting the physical, emotional social and intellectual development of a child from infancy to adulthood. Parenting style is a psychological contrast representing standard strategies that parents use in their child rearing (stantrock, 2007). There are many differing theories and opinions on the best ways to rear children, as wellRead MoreThe Effects Of Parenting Styles On The Psychological Development Of Children And Adolescents999 Words   |  4 Pagesdifferent parenting styles on the psychological development of children and adolescents. Today, there are four vital parenting styles in psychology: authoritative, neglectful, indulgent and authoritarian. Each style possesses its own different characteristics and each produce different psychological developments in children and adolescents. In order to understand the effects of parenting styles on a person’s psychological development, it is obligatory we consider how a particular parenting style affectsRead MoreDiana Baumrind s Effect Of Parenting Styles On Children Essay1312 Words   |  6 PagesDiana Baumrind’s effect of parenting styles on children Baumrind was born into a Jewish community in the New York’s Jewish enclaves. She was the first two daughters of Hyman and Mollie Blumberg. Diana, the eldest in an extended family of female cousins, inherited the role of eldest son, which allowed her to participate in serious conversations about philosophy, ethics, literature, and politics. She completed her B.A. in Psychology and Philosophy at Hunter College in 1948, and her M.A. and Ph.D. in

Essay on Christopher Columbus Essay Example For Students

Essay on Christopher Columbus Essay Columbus as a man had many positive contributions as well as negative. People all over the world celebrate Columbus Day, because of his achievements, and success in finding the New World. Although, many people revel in his glory, their are facts that infer that Columbus wasnt as admirable as people think of him. In 1892, Columbus was a hero, virtually everyone praised him. On the contrary in 1992, revisionists who are delving into archives, are uncovering the negative aspects of his infamous voyage. Columbus journey was the first step in a process that produced an experiment, where the New World became a symbol and a home for democracy. In 1892, people perceived that Columbus and the Europeans who followed him brought civilization to two immense sparsely populated continents, in the process of enhancing and altering the Old World from where they had came from. The 19th century, was a period whereby soceity of the Europeans altered the Western culture of the Native Americans. The Europeans had brought many new changes to the New World, such as pigs, horses. Columbus had opened the seeds of change. The European society as a whole, had thought that the Europeans were doing a favor, by changing their primitive ways, when in fact, some of the Native American customs were far more superior to what the Europeans had in their own. The obstinate Europeans, did not want to make concessions because they had an assumed air of superiority. Columbus has been the all-time heroic figure portayed by people of 1862, they viewed him as a man of great and inventive genius. Columbus in todays perception is a grasping fortune hunter, an incompetent governor of the New World colonies, those fame to the Indians he discovered was plunder, servitude, and death. Columbus is like Hitler to a greater extent, in that he persecuted, and tried to progress his own (European) race, just like Hitler tried to persecute jews, and progress his own (Aryan) race. Environmentalists see Columbus as a man who set forth the despoliation of the New World, by using ecological imperialism. Columbus wanted Indian genocide, inorder to aid the progress of the European civilization at the expense of the lives of the Indians. Columbus started genocide, by enslavement of the people, and the spreading of disease, which led to the demise of approximately 75% of the Native American population. Columbus had benevolent contributions, but the persecution of Native Americans does and should not condone him from his faults. Native Americans were doomed by European arrogance, brutality, and infectious diseases. Columbus gift was slavery to those who greeted him. Columbus arrival to the New World, set in motion a destruction of the world he entered. .

8 Suffixes for Collateral Adjectives

8 Suffixes for Collateral Adjectives 8 Suffixes for Collateral Adjectives 8 Suffixes for Collateral Adjectives By Mark Nichol The English language is remarkably adaptable, but one idiosyncrasy of this flexibility in particular creates complications for writers and speakers: collateral adjectives, those not based on and therefore not resembling their associated nouns. English has several forms, including the related suffixes -like and -ly, to signal an adjective’s relationship to a noun, but more elegant solutions often exist. Unfortunately, it’s not easy to conjure these adjectives, because they’re often borrowed from different languages than those from which their equivalent nouns were taken. If you want to explain that someone or something resembles an animal, or you want to describe behavior reminiscent of a certain animal’s, you can say or write, â€Å"He had a foxlike expression† or â€Å"It’s usually considered a womanly quality.† But for just about any animal, if you want to refer to its qualities in comparison or metaphorically, there’s a Latin root and the suffix -ine (more on this post), and the same or similar appendages serve to help you refer to other aspects: â€Å"He had a vulpine expression† or â€Å"It’s usually considered a feminine quality.† Meanwhile, fatherly, motherly, brotherly, and sisterly are all well and good, but paternal, maternal, fraternal, and sororal are all available alternatives. Here are seven suffixes commonly appended to foreign roots to form collateral adjectives, with sample adjectives and their associated nouns: -al Cerebral: brain Corporal (or carnal or physical): body Diurnal: day Dorsal (or lumbar): back Natal: birth -ar Insular: island Lunar: moon Ocular (or optic): eye Specular: mirror Vascular: blood -ary Culinary: cooking Epistolary: letter (correspondence) Maxillary: jaw Tintinnabulary: bell Tutelary: guardian -ial Aerial (or aeronautic): air Commercial: business Filial: child Initial: beginning Tonsorial: hair, barber -ic Acoustic (or sonic): sound Bucolic (or rural or rustic): countryside Civic (or metropolitan or urban): city Forensic: court Numismatic: coin -ile Infantile: baby, immaturity Juvenile (or puerile): child, youth Mobile: movement Tactile (or haptic): touch Virile: man -ine Divine: god, deity Lacustrine: lake Marine (or maritime or pelagic): ocean (or, pertaining only to marine, ship) Masculine: man Vespertine: evening -ous Amorous: love Aqueous: water Ferrous: iron Fulmineous: thunder Vitreous: glass Collateral adjectives are often the preferred choice over adjectives directly derived from a noun (for example, daily from day) only in formal, ironic, or humorously pedantic usage, but they are helpful because superficially synonymic adjectives may have different senses (for example, daily and diurnal have different meanings). Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Spelling category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:20 Words with More Than One Spelling15 Great Word GamesCapitalizing Titles of People and Groups

Descriptive Essay Writing

Descriptive Essay Writing Descriptive Essay Writing Descriptive Essay Writing Writing an essay is the most effective way to develop writing and thinking skills. As you already know, descriptive essay writing is an integral part of educational process in any institution. The purpose of descriptive essay writing is to deepen obtained in the course theoretical knowledge and practical knowledge on the study discipline, to inculcate skills for self-study material on the selected topic, and to teach to collect, to study and to synthesize material sources. In addition, descriptive essay writing helps to expand the presentation of the students on those sections of the course that were studied. College essay should be written on the basis of carefully examined sources, collected and processed material. Essay can be a creative work on the free topic (e.g. 'What I know about political scientist profession', 'Why does political scientist need historical knowledge' ), or on any other issue. Used material must be reworked and organically linked to a student chosen topic. Topic presentation must be specific and saturated with actual data. Attention should be drawn to the language and style of essay writing. College descriptive essay must be logically linked and have logical transitions between distinct parts, and within the text. English essay content must have a single road - all paragraph should be linked, complement and enhance one another. Essay Writing Tips Obligatory requirements to the English essay writing: Presence of the personal position and ability to defend/prove it. Clarity, including terminological. Sequence of material presentation and absence of inconsistent assertions. Depth of investigation of the topic and complete disclosure. Creativity and originality of conclusions. Evidence and wealth of factual material. Clear material structure that includes obligatory presence of introduction and conclusion; Help to Write an Essay Descriptive essay structure consists of the content, introduction, the main part, the conclusion. Introduction is the structural part of the main text. It is an initial paragraph that brings the essence of essay issue. You need to formulate the relevance and importance of selected topic, the degree of your knowledge, and include the objective of writing. Conclusion is the last paragraph that summarizes the main ideas and restates thesis statement written in the introduction. The number of the used literature for descriptive English essay depends on the degree of knowledge on the topic and the raised problem. Selection of literature for college essay writing is independent work the success of which depends on the ability to use catalogs, directories and bibliographic resources. Descriptive essay writing might seem easy, however, not all students possess good writing skills. You are welcome to become the customer of and we will write custom essay for you on any topic and of any complexity!

Globalization Law Thesis Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Globalization Law - Thesis Example The researcher proposes to do a case study on the effect of globalization on the labor market in gulf area. Scope of Report Our topic of study is the impact of globalization on labor markets with focus on gulf area. The study would include all the countries in the gulf area including Saudi Arabia. Due to globalization there has been movement of material, labor and capital also. These movements have left a tremendous impact on the organizations across the globe. The study would however focus on the effect on labor markets specifically, and examine what kind of impact it has left on the labor market. The researcher would like to adopt a research design that uses both qualitative and quantitative information. Using both qualitative and quantitative design approaches will allow the researcher to use both primary and secondary sources of information. This will lead to a better understanding of the topic. The researcher intends to analyze the effect of globalization on the labor market esp ecially in the gulf area.How the companies are coping with the problem will be studied and analyzed. In doing so the author will use the principles of Miles and Snow’s theory of superior performing business types discussed in their 1978 book (Miles et al, 1978).

Technology and International Development Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Technology and International Development - Essay Example Charles T. Hyte was an elementary school teacher at Lost Creek School before he became the head of Booker T. Washington Junior High School up to his demise in 1941 (Hyte Center para.2). Hyte was an exemplary educator to the youth during his time and managed to become a mentor to many youth in Vigo County, thus, this organization evolved from helping and empowering the youth to its current status of assisting the entire society. Based on works of Hyte, the organization strives to encourage the youth to focus on academic excellence with athletic participation as a supplement or an addition. In order to achieve this mission, the Center offers the following programs for youth and the families: Youth Leadership Academy that is open to all youth between 10 and 14 years. Its aim is to improve lives of youth by helping them in achieving academic excellence, creativity, prevention of substance abuse, time management, fitness, and conflict resolution (Hyte Center para.4). Secondly, Hyte Center after School Program offers tutorial assistance, test preparation, and time management skills. Additionally, other programs include African Festival, Open Gym, Fall Festival, and Lunch on Us. Lastly, it also acts as a host to some community programs including WIC, which is nutritional program for children between 0-5 years and their mothers, Well Child Clinic, Mentor Mothers Program, and NAACP. Initially the Center was established to cater for need of youth but over the time it changed its purpose to encompass nurturing and promoting educational, cultural, and recreational well-being of people of Terre Haute, Indiana by 1965 (Weinbaum, 1981). Following these changes, apart from youth programs, the Center is currently involved in more than twenty services including tutoring services, meal programs, legal aid services, and medical and referral services. Initially, the Center relied on grants from City of Terre Haute authority and well-wishers. For instance, Hyte Center Boosters Club that was formed in 1950s by Center’s teenagers has been raising funds for the Center. This was followed by Mother Booster Club in 1960s. United Fund charitable organization has been among the contributors to the center’s initiative. More so, the Coalition Board, which is composed of organizations that benefit or support Hyte Center, contributes generously to Center’s initiatives. They achieve these mainly through joint fund raising events. Additionally, the Good Neighbor Housing Improvement Association and the Young Adults for a Better Black Community are also among the major contributors to the Center’s programs. The center also receives many grants from the federal government (Taft Group, 1998). For example, the $500000 grant towards construction of the new Hyte Center it was granted by the Federal Department of Housing and Urban Development in 1970. During the volunteer period, we worked with the Hyte Center after School Program where were mainly focus ing on offering students tutorial assistance in areas of mathematics, science and English. This role also involved coaching pupils on ways of preparing for exams and time management skills. Moreover, we gave the students a counseling session to assist them in decision-making, self-advocacy, self-awareness, and stress management. Additionally, we coached students on how to

European Attitudes Towards Benin Bronzes

European Attitudes Towards Benin Bronzes The Art of Benin Read Reading 2.3 On the British loss of antique works of art from Benin in AA100 Book 3, Chapter 2 and look closely at Plate 3.2.25 Display for Benin bronzes at the Horniman Museum, London, 2007 and Plate 3.2.26 Display of Benin bronzes at the Horniman Museum, detail, 2007 in the Illustration Book. Drawing on your understanding of these sources, discuss the ways in which European attitudes to the Benin bronzes have changed over time. To discuss the ways, in which Europeans attitudes to the Benin bronzes have changed over time, we need first to go back to the period when they first were discovered, in 1897, following the British invasion of the Benin kingdom. We will also look into how the Victorian viewed the bronzes, and their craftsmen. Since the discovery of the artefacts, the bronzes have caused lots of debates and different opinions. It has been debates who produced the bronzes, when and for whom, and as a consequence museums and anthropologists have debated how they should be displayed. The Benin bronzes were discovered in 1897, during the time period, when the great interest in the British empire was flourishing, and stories of the imperial adventures around the world were very popular by the people in Britain. In the 1880s and 1890s, when Africa was heavily and brutally colonised by the Europeans, a new trend developed back in Europe. The deeper the colonists expanded into Africa, missionaries, civil servants, capitalists were not far behind. Letters, pictures and unusual objects were sent home to Britain, to later be shared and reproduced in books, newspaper and museums. Tales of estranged encounters and experiences with the natives, in particular primitive rituals, involving sacrifices and cannibalism, were very much on the agenda at the time. When the Kingdom of Benin was conquered by the British in 1897, it resulted in a traumatic end of the centuries-old kingdom and their ruler, Oba, the god-king. The news travelled fast about the British invasion, and the frontline journalists arrived just a few days later after the conquest. The weekly illustrated newspaper The Illustrated London News (ILN) was particularly interested in reporting stories that created a sense of drama. Artists along with journalists were at the frontline to convey in pictures about the events within the British empire. There were lots of eyewitness accounts of the events around the conquest. However, it needs to take into consideration, that they are somewhat biased as they were written by the British for the British, which resulted in a style of reporting that portrayed scenes of savagery and brutality by the natives. In the extract from the ILN, written in March 1897, for example, Benin is described as a city of blood having its pit full of dead and dying; human sacrifices were strewn about on every hand (Reading 2.1 in Loftus and Wood, 2008, p. 79). Taking those eyewitness accounts into consideration, with the findings of the artefacts, it is not strange the bronzes were described as having the most grotesque appearance (Reading 2.1 in Loftus and Wood, 2008, p. 79), and that the Africans were seen as dark and dangerous people (Loftus and Wood, 2008, p.45), a stark contrast to the white civilised Europeans. As a result, the significance of the bronzes was somewhat tainted by the preconceptions of the primitive and uncivilised African culture that little attention was given how the bronzes had been displayed or used before they were removed from the scene as the photograph shows (Figure 2.2 in Loftus and Wood, 2008, p. 50). Afterwards, the artworks and objects were brought to Britain, to the frustration of Henry Ling Roth, anthropologist who wrote in his book; and sold for a few hundred pounds a large number of castings which had cost thousands to obtain, as well as much blood of our fellow countrymen. (Reading 2.3 in Loftus and Wood, 2008, p. 80). But, it did not take long for collectors, scholars and art historians in Europe and America to realise the pure craftsmanship and the value of the Benin bronzes, thus tried to obtain the finest pieces. Roth points out; From what I can ascertain, the bulk of these bronzes has been secured by the Germans (Reading 2.3 in Loftus and Wood, 2008, p. 81) suggesting if the British government have had the proper knowledge of the study of anthropology, the Bini articles would be represented at British Museum, instead of the Royal Museum for Ethnography, in Berlin where the largest collection of 580 Benin artworks was acquired. Art historians and scholars were at first somewhat dubious that the bronzes had been produced by the craftsmen of Benin. Instead they were looking for other explanations, even so far as whether there was a possible link between Benin and ancient lost civilisations such as the Gnostics. The British Museum had to rush and to produce research about the Benin artworks as the popular interest in the African culture corresponded with the growing debates about the history of the human race. The debate about the origin of the Benin bronzes was considerable. Questions were raised about how the aesthetic qualities shown in the bronzes could possibly been created by a society such as Benin, which was perceived backwards and primitive, with stories of human sacrifices and brutality. When the British Museum held an exhibition of the Benin bronzes in September of 1897, the Times wrote a report, that no evidence or links, between Benin and lost ancient civilisation had been found, and the report concludes unexpectedly, with a surprise, that the magnificence bronze work was made by negro craftsmanship (Reading 2.2 in Loftus and Wood, 2008, p. 79) and not by any ancient lost civilisations. Subsequently, this new information caused somehow confusion for the British Museum, as the Benin plaques did not fit into the chronology of events as first presumed, and therefore the choice to display the Benin bronzes in the Assyrian basement can only be seen as an alternative option, given the difficulty of placing them among already existing artefacts with established chronological narrative. The Times describes the choice of display; An exhibition of a remarkable kind has been arranged in the Assyrian basement in such uncongenial surroundings (Reading 2.2 in Loftus and Wood, 2 008, p. 79). Consequently, when the Benin bronzes entered museum collections, both anthropologists and museum curators had difficulty to explain how these uncivilised primitives could produce something equivalent, in technical mastery, like the sculptures from the Italian renaissance for example. The way the artefacts and objects are displayed and described in museums are important for communicating the skilled knowledge about history and art to the general public. However, it is always difficult for the historian to know how the material has been interpreted by the viewer. Even tough, the facts about the new knowledge of the Benin artworks had been presented, it did little to change the racists ideas. Artworks were seen as evidence of civilisation, something Africa did not demonstrate in terms of progress, and therefore was seen as backward by the Europeans. The ethnographic museums, were likely to put together the display of what we regard today as artworks, together with functional items; like tools and weapons and utensils, which used to represent ideas how the primitives lived. Non-western objects were seen as scientific evidence and provided cultural knowledge, but not as art. One of the biggest changes that the modern movement brought, was the way art was displayed. One can probably say for certain, that the change evolved naturally, as art is always receptive to outside influence. Ann-Christine Taylor says in the interview about the exhibition in Paris; French museums with large ethnographic collections, were deserted by the public. Nobody knew what to do with these collections anymore. (Taylor, A. speaking in The Art of Benin, 2008). The problem they had on their hand, developed into the idea, to create a brand new cultural institution. Their aim was to try to capture peoples attention and interest by using visually spectacular objects. Their idea resulted in the exhibition, Benin, Five Centuries of Royal Art, shown in Musee de Quai Branly, in Paris. The museum made use of space and lightning, to emphasise each of the objects artistic quality in its own rightful way. There is some anthropological information about the plaques, to not solely adopt an aesthetic route. Nevertheless, many anthropologists were angry, as the exhibition was presented as works of art, emphasising on the visual impact rather than testimonies of cultural diversity (Taylor, A. speaking in The Art of Benin, 2008) While the debate how to best display the Benin bronzes continues, many museums were adopting the cross-referencing, bonding the gap between art and anthropology. However, some museums, such as The Pitt River Museum in oxford for example, has resisted and deliberately kept the traditional way of displaying objects with explanatory labels in glass cases. (Figure 2.9 in Loftus and Wood, 2008, p. 72). The Horniman Museum on the other hand, decided to take a step further and changed their display of its Benin bronzes, and incorporated both anthropological and aesthetic aspects. (Illustration Book, Plate 3.2.25 and Plate 3.2.26) Most significantly, it does not stop at the moment of aesthetic contemplation, it continues deeper into the entire culture of Benin, in the past and present. Making use of a variety of texts and photographs with new information based on contemporary research by Joseph Eboreime, a Nigerian historian. (Loftus and Wood, 2008, p. 75) The controversial views of the Benin bronzes have undergone a natural evolution since the discovery in 1897. But it is not only the bronzes, it is the whole transformation of western views towards Africa that has taken place. The Benin bronzes were mystifying for the Victorian anthropologists, and not easy to fit into a racist representation of primitive ways of life. Later throughout the twentieth century, the works of art started to become almost solely of aesthetic admiration rather than as a kind of historical evidence. There are signs, like those, that can be seen in The Horniman Museum, that the world of art is in for a new movement. Primitive art has become world culture, and the Benin bronzes stands as evidence of a shared human history. (word count 1633) Bibliography AA100 Illustration Book: Plates for Books 3 and 4 Loftus, D. and Wood, P. (2008) The Art of Benin: Changing Relations Between Europe and Africa II, AA100 Book 3, Chapter 2. The Art of Benin (2008) AA100 DVD ROM

Everyday Use Essay: Sisters with Nothing in Common :: Everyday Use essays

Sisters with Nothing in Common in Everyday Use      Ã‚   When two children are brought up by the same parent in the same environment, one might logically conclude that these children will be very similar, or at least have comparable qualities. In Alice Walker's "Everyday Use," however, this is not the case. The only thing Maggie and Dee share in common is the fact that they were both raised by the same woman in the same home. They differ in appearance, personality, and ideas that concern the family artifacts.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Maggie is not as attractive as Dee. She is a thin and awkward girl. Her mother notes "good looks passed her by" (88). Furthermore, she carries herself like someone with low self-esteem, "chin on chest, eyes on ground" (87). On the other hand, Dee is an attractive woman. Her mother describes Dee as having, "nice hair and a full figure" (87). Dee takes pride in the her appearance. She dresses in fashionable clothes. When Dee arrives for her visit, her mother says, "Even her feet were always neat-looking" (88).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Besides their appearances, Maggie and Dee have unique personalities. When Maggie is first introduced in the story, she is nervous about her sister's visit. In fact, Dee's arrival makes Maggie so uncomfortable that she tries to flee to the safety of the house (88). Maggie is also intimidated by Dee, as shown when Maggie is unable to confront Dee about the quilts. Maggie gives in and says that Dee may have the quilts because she is not used to "winning" (91). Unlike Maggie, Dee is a bold young woman (88). As a young girl, Dee has never been afraid to express herself. Her mother remembers that "she would always look anyone in the eye. Hesitation was no part of her nature" (87). Dee also shows herself to be selfish when she sets her sights on the butter churn. Dee does not seem to care that her family is still using the churn. She states that she will "display part of it in her alcove, and do something artistic with the rest of it" (90).      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The family artifacts are important to both Maggie and Dee, but for different reasons. Maggie values the family quilts for their sentiment and

Effects of Television Commercial Repetition

Journal of Consumer Research, Inc. The Effects of Television Commercial Repetition on Cognitive Response and Message Acceptance Author(s): George E. Belch Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 9, No. 1 (Jun. , 1982), pp. 56-65 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www. jstor. org/stable/2488937 . Accessed: 17/08/2012 06:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www. jstor. org/page/info/about/policies/terms. jsp .JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email  protected] org. . The University of Chicago Press and Journal of Consumer Research, Inc. are collaborating with JSTOR to digitiz e, preserve and extend access to Journal of Consumer Research. http://www. jstor. org The Television Commercial Repetition on Cognitive Response and Message Acceptance Effects ofGEORGEE. BELCH* The cognitiveeffects of advertisingrepetitionare examined by consideringthe impactof three levels of TV commercialexposure withina one-hour program. Attitudesand purchase intentionswere not affected by message repetition, although cognitive responses became more negative as exposure frequencyincreased. The relationship between cognitiveresponses and the message acceptance measures was relatively constantacross the three exposure levels. effects of repeated exposure to a persuasive communication have long been of interest to social psychologists and marketers.However, research concerning the effects of persuasive message repetition on cognitive processes has been limited in both social psychology and marketing. In social psychology, much of the repetition researchhas been performedin contexts thatdo not involve communication. For example, Zajonc's (1968) theory of mere exposure suggests that a person's attitude toward a stimulus is positively relatedto exposure frequency(an effect Zajonc attributedto the pleasantness associated with hearing an increasinglyfamiliar stimulus).However, mere exposure theory may have limited relevance to the attitudinal effects of persuasivemessage repetition,as this model applies primarilyto simple nonassociative stimuli, such as nonsense syllables or Turkish alphabet characters. Persuasive messages tend to be more complex stimuli and, in the case of advertisingmessages, the focus is generally on objects or ideas presentedin the message ratherthan on the advertisementitself. With the exception of a study by Cacioppo and Petty (1979), the cognitive and affective effects of repeated exposure to persuasive communicationshave generatedsurprisinglylittle researchin social psychology.Attemptsto determinethe effects of advertisingmessage repetition have appearedfrequentlyin the marketingliterature (Craig, Sternthal, and Leavitt 1976; Grass and Wal- The lace 1969; Mitchell and Olson 1977; Ray and Sawyer 1971; Sawyer 1973; Silk and Vavra 1974; Winter 1973). However, most researchinto the effects of advertisingrepetition has focused primarilyon outcome measuressuch as recall, attitude,and purchaseintention,ratherthanconsideringthe underlying processes that might shape and determine reaction to an advertisingmessage following multiple exposures.While knowledge of the repetition function for a persuasivemessage with respect to these outcome variables is important, the cognitive effects of message repetition must also be consideredif insight is to be gained in understandinga recipient'sreactionsto a message following multiple exposures. The purpose of this investigation is to study the effects of repeated exposure to a persuasive communication by examining the impact of television commercial repetition on cognitive processing.Cognit ive response measures (Greenwald 1968; Petty, Ostrom, and Brock 1981; Wright 1973) as well as traditionaloutcome measures such as recall, attitude, and purchase intention are used to examine the effects of multiple message exposures on recipients. This study also examines changes in the relationship of cognitive response mediators to measures of message acceptanceresultingfrom multipleexposuresto a commercial message. RELEVANT LITERATURE *George E. Belch is AssistantProfessorof Marketing,College of Business Administration,San Diego State University, San Diego, CA 92182.The author wishes to acknowledge the financial support provided by a doctoraldissertationgrant from the AmericanMarketingAssociation and by researchgrantsfrom the MarketingScience Instituteand the University of California, Los Angeles. Appreciationis also expressed to Rich Lutz and James Bettmanfor their comments on an earlierversion of this manuscript and to two anonymousreviewers for their insightful comments and re commendations. The effects of advertising repetition on outcome measures such as attitude and purchase intention have been examined in a numberof studies.Winter(1973) found that exposure to the commercials decreased the distance between attitudes toward the advertisedbrand and the ideal brand. However, diminishingreturnswere found, since the greatestamountof attitudechange occurredduringthe first two exposures. Also, exposure had a significanteffect only on individualsinitially unfamiliarwith the advertisedbrand 56 ? JOURNAL OF CONSUMERRESEARCH* Vol. 9 0 June 1982 EFFECTSOF TV COMMERCIAL REPETITION and it was positively related to brand familiarity for the relatively new brandonly. Ginter(1974) found that either overall attitude change nor brand choice was affected by the numberof message exposures. Null effects of advertising repetition were also found in a study by Mitchell and Olson (1977): repetition of two types of print ads had no effect on belief strength, attitude, or purcha seintention. Several studies have examined the effects of multiple exposure in conjunction with varied advertising appeals. Ray and Sawyer (1971) found that repetitionof six soft-sell â€Å"nongrabber† advertisementsproduced increases in purchase intention, while intention was not increasedby repetition of hard-sell â€Å"grabber† ads.Similar results were found in-a study by Silk and Vavra (1974), who examined reactions to hard-sell and soft-sell radio commercials. Gorn and Goldberg (1980) examined the effects of repeated commercialexposure on eight- to ten-year-oldboys by varying the numberof commercials seen in the context of a half-hourprogram. Subjects viewed the commercials eitherone, three, or five times. However, some of the multiple-exposure condition subjects viewed the same commercialrepeatedly,while otherssaw a differentcommercial for the new brandeach time.Gorn and Goldbergfound that moderateexposure (threerepetitions)resultedin the highest level of brandpr eference, providedthat the same commercial was not seen each time. 57 Cacioppoand Petty (1980) tested the viability of the twostage cognitive response model in two other repetitionexperiments. In the first experiment, the cognitive response measureand a persistingmeasureof attitudechange (taken one week later) were affected in the curvilinear manner suggested by the two-factor model.In the second experiment, they predicted-and found-an interactionbetween exposure frequency and the nature of the argumentsused on a persisting attitudechange measure. Strong argumentbased messages became more persuasive with repetition; weak argumentmessages became less persuasivewith repetition; and novel messages became more, then less persuasive with repeatedexposure. Calder and Sternthal (1980) measured cognitive responses after commercials for two products;one product and was unfamiliarto the participants one was well known.They found that increased frequency of exposure led primarilyto more total thoughtsfor the unfamiliarproductand to an increasein negative thoughtsfor the well-knownproduct. TheoreticalAccounts of RepetitionEffects While several theoreticalexplanationshave been offered for repetitioneffects, the one that appearsto be most congenial for advertisingmessage repetition is some form of Berlyne's (1970) two-factor theory. Berlyne proposed a nonmonotonic inverted U-curve relationship between familiarity and liking.According to Berlyne, two separate and opposing psychological processes, positive habituation and tedium, operatesimultaneously. Positive habituationis similar to a reduction in response competition: exposure results in a reductionin arousaldue to uncertaintyand conflict and thus increases liking. Tedium also increases with exposure and results in a less pleasurablefeeling toward the stimulus. Berlyne suggests that the relative strengthof each factorvaries as a functionof exposureto the stimulus, with the habituationprocess having the greaterimpact on af fect initially, while tedium and disliking occur at higher exposure levels.Stimulus complexity and sequence heterogeneity slow the positive habituationprocess; thus tedium occurs at higher exposurelevels for complex, variedstimuli and at a relatively low frequency for simple, nonvaried stimuli. An extension of Berlyne's two-factor theory was proposed by Stang (1973, 1975), who argued that repeated to exposureprovidesmore opportunity learnaboutthe stimulus and that because this learning is rewarding, positive affect results. However, continued repetition beyond that necessary for initial learningleads to boredomor satiation, and repeated exposure ultimately produces negative affect toward the stimulus.A similar explanationfor repetitioneffects was proposed by Cacioppo and Petty's (1979) two-stage attitudemodification model. They argue that repetition of the message to providesrecipientswith more opportunity elaboratecognitively upon message content and to realize the favorable implic ationsand cogency of the argumentsused in the mes- Repetition and Cognitive Response McCullough and Ostrom(1974) examined the effects of repeatedexposure by having subjects view five similar ads that used the same basic appeal, but differed in the order and phrasing of the message arguments.Cognitive responses were measuredimmediatelyafter each exposure to the advertisements. They found that repetition resulted in a significantpositive effect on cognitive response activity, as subjectslisted more positive thoughtsand fewer negative thoughts with repeatedexposure. Cacioppo and Petty (1979) examined the effects of repeating messages that were either consistent with or contraryto recipients' initial attitudeon cognitive response activity. They found that agreementwith the message position increased and then decreased as exposure frequency increased.The cognitive response patternfollowed a similar curvilinear relationship as favorable thoughts showed an increase followed by a decrease, while counterarguments showed a significant decrease followed by an increase. Analysis of the cognitive response measures also revealed that the counter-attitudinal message evoked a greaternumber of topic-relevantthoughts and fewer neutralor irrelevant thoughts than the proattitudinal message. Cacioppo and Petty interpretedthese results in terms of a two-stage attitudemodificationprocess.Accordingto this model, repetitionof the message providesmore opportunity for cognitive elaborationupon the specific argumentsand realizationof theirfavorableimplications. At high exposure levels, however, tedium and/orreactancelead to an attack against the message by the receiver. 58 sage. However, in the high exposure conditions, it is very likely that tedium and/orreactancewill develop, leading to a decline in affect. Sawyer (1981) has suggested that Berlyne's two-factor theory is consistent with results concerning the repetition effects of advertising.Sawyer suggests that advertisements and othe r persuasive messages in contexts of obvious manipulative intent may elicit a majority of defensive responses-such as counterarguments and source derogations-at the outset. Once expressed, these defensive responses may dissipate and allow other, more objective evaluations and associations to occur. However, high exposure levels would ultimately result in satiation and negative reactionsto the message.The first question of interest is whetherthe inverted Ucurve predictions offered by Berlyne's two-factor theory and Cacioppo and Petty's two-stage attitude modification process model occur with multipleexposuresto a television commercial. Most of the studies extant have only examined outcome measures of effectiveness, providinglittle insight into the cognitive processing that underliesthese reactions. The studies that have utilized cognitive response measures have produceddivergent results, primarilybecause of the methodologicaland proceduraldifferences among them.It will be difficult t o arrive at any generalizationsconcerning the effects of persuasive message repetition on cognitive processing until more empiricalevidence is produced. The firsthypothesisto be tested in this studyconcernsthe effects of commercialmessage repetitionon cognitive responseand message acceptance: Hi: The favorabilityof message acceptanceand cognitive responses to a television commercial increases with moderate levels of exposure, then declines following high levels of exposure. THEJOURNAL CONSUMER OF RESEARCH curring during the first few exposures to it.Krugman's (1972) notion of only three message exposures being sufficient to stimulatea buying decision is relevanthere. According to Krugman, the very first exposure (defined as actualattentionby the consumer)is dominatedby a â€Å"What is it? † type of response, whereby the message recipient attemptsto define and understandthe advertisingstimulus and to determine whether the message is of any use or interest. Krugmansuggests that much of the needed reduction in response competition occurs during this first exposure and that the second exposureevokes a more evaluative and personal â€Å"What of it? reaction, which determinesthe message's ultimate ability to persuade. If any meaningful response occurred earlier, the third exposure then acts mostly as a reminderto the recipient. The third exposure is also the beginning of disengagement or withdrawalof attentionfrom the task. Krugmansuggests that more than three exposures to a message essentially repeat earlier exposure effects. While no direct test of Krugman's conjecturehas been conducted, there is indirect evidence that is relevant.A study by Krugman(1968) of eye movement explorationof print ads indicated that peak effectiveness occurred after two or three exposures, while Grass and Wallace's (1969) work with CONPADD response indicatedthat from two to 1 four exposures are optimal. Otherevidence consistentwith Krugman's notion comes from a study by Goldberg and Gorn (1974). Also, Cacioppo and Petty's (1979) finding that topic-irrelevant ideation increased as exposure frequency increasedsuggests that the importantprocessing of a message takes place during initial exposures. This review suggests that the strengthof the relationship between cognitive responses and message cceptancemeasuresshould increasefrom low to moderateexposurelevels, since more detailed and evaluativeprocessing will occur as message recipients become familiar with the commercial message. At higher exposure levels, however, the tedium and/or reactance associated with message satiation would inhibit and/or interfere with subsequent informationprocessing activity and resultin a weakeningof the relationship between cognitive response and message acceptance. Cognitive processing at higher levels of exposure may consist ideationmore thanof relevantprocessing of topic-irrelevant and evaluation of the message arguments.The following predictionsconcerningthe effects of televi sion commercial message repetition on the relevancy and mediatingrole of cognitive responses will be examined: H2: The frequency of topic-irrelevant ideation increases as exposure to a television commercial increases. ‘CONPADD (ConjugatelyProgrammedAnalysis of Advertising)measures attentionto commercialsby using an operantconditioningprocedure whereby subjects operate either a foot or hand device in orderto receive the video and audio portionsof an advertisement.The subject'seffort thus becomes a measure of interest and attentionto the message in either the audio or video mode. Effects of Repetition on the MediatingRole of Cognitive Response Also of concern in this study are the effects of message repetitionon the mediating relationshipbetween cognitive responses and message acceptance. The issue of interest here is whethercognitive responseselicited afterhigh levels of message exposure mediate affective reactionto the message. Most studies of repetition effects have focused o n dependentmeasures, such as recall, attitude, and purchase intention.In these studies, the cumulativeeffects thatresult from repeatedexposure to the message may be capturedby using these â€Å"outcome† measures. However, this may not be the case for cognitive response measures. The detailed processingthat truly determinesthe message recipient'sreactionto the message may take place duringinitial exposure to the advertisement. Theorizingconsistent with this position has been offered by several researchers. For example, Leavitt (1974) has suggested a â€Å"strong effects† hypothesis, which suggests that the effectiveness of an ad depends on the events oc-EFFECTSOF TV COMMERCIAL REPETITION H3: The strength of the relationshipbetween cognitive response and message acceptance measures increases with moderatelevels of exposure, then decreases at high levels of exposure. 59 thoughts. 3After completingthe cognitive responsetask, the subjectswere asked to complete a programeval uationform and a set of postmeasuresconcerning issues dealt with in the program. After completing these measures, subjectswere asked to respondto dependentmeasuresconcerningmessage acceptance and reception.Two dependentmeasures of message acceptancewere used in this study: attitudestoward using the new brandof toothpasteand purchaseintentionsfor the new brand. Subjects' attitudeswere measuredon four semantic differentialscales (good-bad, wise-foolish, favorable-unfavorable,beneficial-harmful). Subjects' responses to the four scales were averaged to arrive at the attitude score used in the analyses. Intentionto try the new brand of toothpaste was measuredon three semantic differential scales (likely-unlikely, probable-improbable, possibleimpossible). The purchase intention measure used in the analyses was calculated by averagingthe three scales.Two measuresof message receptionwere employed. An unaidedrecall measurewas takenby askingthe respondents to write down as much as they could rememberaboutwhat was said in the commercial. The recall score was then formed by counting the number of correct claims for the productlisted by the subject. The aided recall measureconsisted of six multiple-choicequestions aboutspecific points in the commercial. METHOD Overview The data for this study were collected as part of a laboratoryexperimentexaminingthe effects of advertisingmessage structure and repetition on cognitive response and message acceptance(Belch 1981). A 2 x 2 x 3 betweensubjectsdesign was used with type of message (comparative or noncomparative), message-sidedness (one- or twosided), and repetition(one, three, or five exposures) as the factors. Commercialsfor a new, fictitious brandof toothpaste were produced to serve as message stimuli for the study. The basic text for the four commercialsis shown in the Appendix. The data used to test the repetitionhypotheseswere compiled by combiningthe resultsfor the four treatment groups at each of the three exposure level s.There were no significant interactionsbetween the message structure factorsand exposure frequencyfor the dependentvariablesof interest. Subjects and Procedure The sample consisted of 260 persons recruitedfrom two churchgroups in the Los Angeles area. Data collection was spread over 10 evenings during a two-week period. Upon arrival at the research setting, the subjects were given a brief statementconcerningthe reasonfor theirpresenceand were then randomly assigned to one of the three experimental treatments being used during that session.One hundred subjects were assigned to both the one- and the three-exposureconditions, while 60 subjectswere assigned to the five-exposurecondition. The smaller cell size in the five-exposure condition was due to cost limitations in attaining additionalsubjects. were readto the subjectsinformingthem that Instructions they were participatingin a researchprojectevaluatingthe content of television programmingand that they would be asked to evaluate an episode of Quincy. The subjects were also told they would be asked questions about the commercials.The subjects completed the set of premeasures, which included demographicquestions, a television viewing profile, and premeasuresconcerning issues dealt with in the program;the one-hourprogramcontainingthe stimulus commercial(s) was then shown. Immediatelyafter the program ended, the subjects were read the cognitive response instructionsand were given two minutesto list their Categorizationof Cognitive Responses The cognitive response classificationscheme used in this study included three categories of thoughts: product/mesevaluations,and sage-relatedevaluations,repetition-related evaluairrelevant thoughts.The product/message-related tions included the cognitive response categories of counterargument, supportargument,source derogation,and curiosity thoughts as defined by Wright (1973), as well as the categories of simple dissaffirmationsand simple affirmations describedby Beaber (1975 ). An additionalcategory, source bolstering, was also used. This categorizationis the of positive counterpart source derogation. evaluations included any thought that Repetition-related addressedthe fact that the commercialwas seen more than one time in the program.The use of the repetition-related categorizationmay be useful in analyzing message recipients' reactionto multiple message exposures duringa short time period, such as a one-hourprogram. Other studies of repetitionandcognitive response(CacioppoandPetty 1979; Calderand Sternthal1980; McCulloughand Ostrom 1974) have not distinguishedthoughts reflecting reactions to the message per se from thoughtsthat might be relatedto multiple exposures to the same message.The final cognitive response category was the irrelevantcategory, which in3The cognitive response instructionsused in this study requested the subjects to list the thoughtsthat occurredto them while viewing the commercial about the product and their reactions during the commercial to what was said about the productby the advertiser. 2A complete descriptionof the method employed in this study is available elsewhere (Belch 1981). In the interest of brevity, only a summary will be presentedhere. 60 cluded those statements that did not reflect any relevant evaluation of the advertisingmessage or of the advertisement itself.A three-judgepanel was used to code the cognitive response protocols. The judges were given operationaldefinitions of the three response categories and were trainedin the applicationof these definitions until each had a good of understanding the coding scheme and coding task. The basis for the final rating of each cognition was a modal ratingof the threejudges. Interjudge reliabilities,calculated for each response category separately,rangedfrom 0. 69 to 0. 95. THEJOURNAL CONSUMER OF RESEARCH FIGURE AND NEGATIVE MEANNUMBERS POSITIVE OF COGNITIVE RESPONSESFOR EACHLEVEL REPETITION OF 2 (1. 77) Total Negative 1. 5 (1. 32) (1. 04) Total Product/Message (1. 15) Related Negative 1 (. 96) Total Positive RESULTS The first hypothesis concerns the effects of commercial message repetitionon the message acceptancemeasuresof attitude and purchase intention and on the cognitive response measures. The mean attitudinal scores for the one-, three-, and five-exposureconditions were 3. 87, 4. 11, and 3. 77, while the mean purchaseintentionscores were 3. 24, 3. 60, and 3. 33. An analysis of variance performedon the message acceptancemeasures showed no significanteffect of repetition for either attitude or purchase intention, F (2,257) = 1. 6 and 0. 89, respectively. The means for the numberof favorableand unfavorable thoughtsgeneratedby subjectsin each of the threeexposure conditions are graphedin the Figure. 4 An analysis of variance revealed that the increase in the numberof negative thoughts across the three levels of repetitionis significant, F (2,257) = 9. 93, p < 0. 001. Pairwisecomparisons,using a Scheffe test, indicated that the difference in negative thoughts was not significant between the one- and threeexposureconditions, but was significantbetween the threeand five-exposure conditions (p < 0. 5). The Figure also shows that favorablethoughtsremainedrelatively constant across the three exposure levels. An analysis of variance for the favorable thoughts measure was nonsignificant,F (2,257) = 0. 69. The resultspresentedabove are not supportiveof the first hypothesis. The message acceptancemeasures(attitudeand purchase intention) did not show the inverted U-curve relationshippredictedby Berlyne's (1970) two-factortheory and Cacioppo and Petty's two-stage attitude modification model.The cognitive response results also fail to support the first hypothesis because negative thoughts increased across the three levels of exposure, while positive thoughts remainedrelatively constant. One possible explanationfor the increase in the number of negative thoughts across the three levels of repetitionis that multiple exposures to the message within the one-hour programmay have resultedin satiationandthe development ‘The favorable and unfavorable thoughts measures were derived by combining those cognitive responses that were positive and negative in valence, respectively.Thus, favorable thoughts representthe sum of all source bolstering, support arguments, and simple affirmations. Unfavorable thoughts representthe sum of all counterarguments, source derogations, simple disaffirmations,and repetition-related negative comments. l:; .v~~~~~~. 3 ( 53) (. 63) (. 63) I 0 I ,I 1 5 NUMBER OF EXPOSURES 3 of reactanceby the subjects. This negative reactionto message repetition could be expressed through negative repecontition-related thoughtson the partof multiple-exposure dition subjects.To determinewhether the increase in negative thoughts across the three levels of repetition was due to the repetition-relatedthoughts produced by the message recipients, these responses were omitted from t he composite of unfavorableresponses and the effect of repetitionon the number of product/message-related negative thoughts was examined. The means for the numberof negative product/message-relatedthoughtsare graphedin the Figure. A one-way analysis of variancerevealed that these differences in negative product/message-related thoughts were not significant, F (2,257) = 0. 5. Thus, the increase in negative thoughtsacross the three exposure levels was due primarily to the recipients' negative reactions to message repetition, ratherthan to negative evaluations of message content. Hypothesis two concerns the effect of multiple message exposure on the generation of topic-irrelevant thoughts. Topic-irrelevantthoughts were defined as those responses that do not represent an evaluation of the message arguments or of the advertisementitself. The mean numberof irrelevantthoughts for the one-, three-, and five-exposure levels was 0. 53, 0. 34 and 0. 3, respectively. The differences in irreleva ntthoughtsacross the threeexposurelevels were not significant, F (2. 257) = 1. 99. Contraryto the second hypothesis, it appearsthat message recipientsin the conditions did remainactive in attending multiple-exposure to the commercials, ratherthan tuning them out and producing cognitions that were unrelatedto the message. Relationshipof Cognitive Response to Message Acceptance To examine the relationshipof the cognitive responses generatedby subjects at the various exposure levels to attitude and purchase intention, several compensatoryEFFECTS OF TV COMMERCIALREPETITION TABLEI RELATIONSHIPOF COGNITIVERESPONSE AND MESSAGE RETENTION MEASURES TO MESSAGE ACCEPTANCE BY EXPOSURE LEVEL Single exposure Attitude Model 1 Purchase intention Three exposure Attitude Purchase intention Five exposure Attitude 61 Purchase intention Y2(SA+SB+SAf) – Y. (CA SD + SDf) + Model 2 .327b .323b .481 b ,345b .491 b .236c Y2(SA+SB+SAf+RRP) – Y. (CA. + + SDf+ RRN)8 SD Retention Aided recall Unaide d recall .327b .323b .468b ,339b .522b .258c . 021 . 086 .065 . 129 .014 . 010 .028 . 159 .001 . 121 .009 . 081 SAf = Simple Affirmations;SDf = Simple Disaffirmations; RRP = Repetition Related Positive; RRN = Repetition Related Negative; SA = Support Arguments; CA = Counterarguments; SD = Source Derogation; SB = Source Bolsters. bp < 0. 01 Cp < 0. 05 weighting models (cf. Wright 1973) were developed from the cognitive responses. These models, which are shown in Table 1, are based on an underlying assumption that message recipientsprocess cognitive cues in a mannersuch that opposing cues linearly balance each other. These compensatory models yield a measure of â€Å"net directionalimpact† of the cognitive mediators.Model 1 includes the product/message-related cognitive cues using the difference between the amountof positive ideation and negative ideation engaged in by the message recipients as the predictor of message acceptance. Model 2 adds the repetition-related thoug hts to the model and incorporatesall of the relevant cognitions into the cognitive response index. The relationships between the message retentionmeasures(unaidedand aided recall) and attitudeand purchaseintentionwere also examined. Simple regressions were performedusing each model as a predictorof the message acceptancemeasures.The results of these analyses, which were performedseparatelyfor each exposurelevel, are shown in Table 1. This table shows that the cognitive response models are significantly related to the message acceptancemeasuresacross all three exposure conditions. However, the aided and unaided recall scores are not relatedto either attitudeor purchaseintentionat any of the exposure levels. As can be seen in Table 1, the relationshipof the cognitive response models to the attitudinalmeasure of message acceptanceis strongerin the three-exposurecondition than in the single-exposurecondition, as predicated.However, the differences in these correlationsfor the two exposu re levels are not statistically significant (t = 1. 32, p < 0. 10). 5 Table 1 also reveals that the magnitudeof the relationshipbetween the cognitive response models and attitude does not show the hypothesizeddecline between the 5Comparison these correlationcoefficients was made using the folof lowing test statistic: three- and five-exposure conditions, but remainsrelatively constant. The relationshipbetween the cognitive response models and purchase intention across the three exposure levels is also shown in Table 1.The correlationsdo not show the predicted increase between the one- and three-exposure conditions. There is an attenuationin the correlationsbetween the three- and five-exposure conditions; however, these differences are not significant(t < 1). These results fail to supportthe hypothesizedchanges in the relationshipbetween cognitive and message acceptance across the three exposure levels. Table 1 also indicatesthat differences exist in the relationshipsbetween cog nitive response and the attitudinalmeasure of message acceptance and between cognitive response and the purchaseintention measure in the multiple-exposureconditions.There is an attenuationin the correlationof cognitive response to message acceptance when purchase intention, ratherthan attitude, is the message acceptance criterion. Wright (1973) found a similar attenuationbetween cognitive response and a behavioralintentionversus an attitudinal measureof message acceptance. The attenuationfound in this study may be due to the fact thatbehavioralpatternsfor a productsuch as toothpasteare likely to be well developed. Thus, favorable or unfavorablecognitive reactionsto the message may be related to affective position toward the new brand, but would not necessarily impact on intentionto buy the new brand.I + Vm 1 Vm I/ ~1 lNm-3 l/2 In – l/2 In 1 I + Vf 1- Vf 3 t= Nf- where Vm and Vf denote the correlationcoefficients for each group and Nm and Nf denote the size of each group. This statistic makes it possible to test the equalityof two correlationcoefficients using a t test (Kleinbaum and Kupper 1978). 62 THEJOURNAL CONSUMER OF RESEARCH sage argumentsand then developing an attitudetowardthe new brand, but ratherwere using the retainedargumentsto support a preformed affective position.This explanation may be particularlyplausible in a low-involvement advertising situation(which one might argue was the case in this study) where global affect, rather than attribute specific information,providesthe basis for consumerevaluationand decision making (cf. Olshavskyand Granbois1979; Wright 1976; Zajonc 1980). The two perspectives regarding the mediating role of cognitive response suggest differentcausal patternsamong the message acceptance measures and cognitive responses following multiple exposure to a message.The first explanation argues for the traditionalmediatingrole of cognitive responses, whereby the flow of causal effects originates with repetitionand moves th roughcognitive responses that mediateattitude,which in turnmediatespurchaseintention. The competingexplanationsuggests that the flow of effects originates with repetition and moves successively through attitude and purchase intention, which in turn influences cognitive response. This causal flow suggests thatcognitive in responses, particularly the multiple-exposure conditions, are the result of preformedaffect towardthe new brand.To examine the two competing explanationsof the relationships among the variables, a testing of alternative model forms was undertaken. The tenabilityof each causal model was tested by attemptingto reproducethe original correlationmatrix among the four relevant variables (repetition, cognitive responses, attitude, and purchase intention). Examination of the reproducibility of the original correlationmatrix provides evidence in supportof a proposed model configuration also allows for a comparison and of other alternativeflows.A techniquedeveloped by Simon ( 1957) for testing simple linear flows of causation was used to examine the relationshipamong these variables. This techniquefor testing a proposed causal flow was used by Lutz (1978) in examining the relationshipsamong beliefs, attitude, and behavioral intention-a problem similar to the presentone. Simon developed a precise set of predictionsfor the magnitudeof correlationbetween nonadjacent pairsof variables in the hypothesized flow of causation, based on observed correlationsbetween adjacent pairs of variables.Specifically, the predicted correlationbetween any two nonadjacent variables is equal to the product of all the pairwise correlations between adjacent intervening variables. For example, in the traditionalcognitive response causal sequence (repetition– cognitive response-> attitude-> intention), Simon's model would predictthat the simple correlationbetween repetitionand intentionwould be equal to the simple correlationsof repetitionand cognitive response multipl ied by the simple correlationof cognitive response and attitudemultipliedby the simple correlationof attitude and intention.Comparisonof predicted and actual correlations provides a measure of â€Å"fit† for the theoreticalexplanations being applied to the data. While this mode of analysis cannot prove that a particularcausal sequence is correct, it is useful for testing competing explanations. Cognitive Responses: Mediatorsor Productsof Message Acceptance? A basic assumptionin using the cognitive response approachto studying communicationeffects is that the spontaneous thoughts generated by the message recipients causally mediate affective reactions to a persuasive message.The assumptionthat cognitive responses precede and influencethe formationof attitudesand intentionshas been made in most cognitive response studies and has been directly tested in several investigations (Cacioppo and Petty 1979; Osterhouse and Brock 1970; Petty and Cacioppo 1977). This study assumed that c ognitive response cues generated by the message recipients mediate the effect of repetition on message acceptance,since subjectsin the multipleexposure conditions had the opportunity to become acquainted with the message arguments and had plenty of time to elaborate cognitively upon them. Thus, the responses generatedby the multiple-exposurecondition subjects would be based on the cogency of the message arguments and their reactionsto these arguments,ratherthan on a general, overall impressionof the productand/orcommercial. Evidence in supportof this position is offered by the strong relationshipbetween cognitive response and attitude in the multiple-exposureconditions. There is, however, an alternativehypothesis to the argument that cognitive responses mediate the effect of repetition on message acceptance.It may be that the thoughts producedby the message recipientsare not really mediating acceptanceof the message, but ratherare a reflectionof the recipient's affective position to ward the product and/or commercial. Several studies (Tesser and Conlee 1975; Tesser and Cowan 1977) have shown that the opportunityfor thought leads to a polarizationof attitudeswhereby affective position becomes more extreme in the initial direction. onditionsmay Message recipientsin the multiple-exposure have formed an attitudetowardthe new brandafter one or two exposures, while further exposure to and reflection upon the message argumentsmay have led to attitudepolarization. Thus, the cognitive responsesproducedby these subjects may have been a reflection of a previously developed and polarized attitude;ratherthan mediatingmessage acceptance,the recipients'responses may thus have offered cognitive justification for their affective position.This alternativeperspective suggests that the multipleexposure condition subjects were not processing the mes- 6Thereis evidence that the message argumentswere retainedmore in the multiple-exposureconditions than in the single-exposurecondition s. The cell means for the unaidedrecall measurewere 1. 70, 2. 33, and 2. 48, while the means for the aided recall measure were 2. 22, 2. 74, and 3. 20. An analysis of varianceperformedon the receptionscores showed thatthe effect of repetitionwas significant for both measures, F (2. 257) = 7. 01 and 11. 25, respectively (p < 0. 1). Pairwise comparisons of the cell means, using the Scheffe test, indicatedthat both recall measuresshowed a significant increase between the one- and three-exposureconditions (p < 0. 05), but not between the three- and five-exposurelevels. REPETITION EFFECTSOF TV COMMERCIAL TABLE 2 INTERCORRELATIONSOF VARIABLES IN HYPOTHESIZED FLOW OF EFFECTS Cognitive response – 63 TABLE 3 PREDICTIONS AND DEGREES OF FIT FOR RELATIONSHIPS AMONG NONADJACENT CAUSAL VARIABLES Degrees of fit Actual Expected Variable Repetition – Attitude – . 013 . 429 Purchase intention . 31 R–CR->Att->PI' 1. Repetition 2. Cognitive response 3. Attitude 4 . Purchase intention .022 .310 . 692 13 12r23 -. 013 rl2r23r,. r24= r23r, r14= .031 . 310 R–Att->PIl-CR -. 009 [(-. 022)(. 429)] – . 006 [(-. 022)(. 429)(. 692)] . 297 [(. 429)(. 692)] In performingthis analysis, the cognitive response variable was operationalizedby using the compensatoryindex derived from model 1 (Table 1). Repetition was assigned a value of 1, 3, or 5, dependingupon exposurelevel. Table 2 shows the observed simple correlationsamong the four variablesof interest.Each variableis numberedto facilitate of interpretation Table 3, which shows the actual and expected correlations among nonadjacentpairs of variables for the two competing causal flows previously described. To compare the degrees of fit of the two models, a total discrepancy score was computed from the correlations shown in Table 3. Total discrepancy was operationalized as the sum of the absolute differences between predicted and actual correlations. Table 3 shows that the degree of fit was best for the traditional model, in which cognitive responses mediate message acceptance.The total discrepancyfor this model was 0. 055, while the total discrepancy for the competing model was 0. 278. In additionto the two models previously considered, alternativeorderingsof the cognitive response and message acceptance measures following message repetition were also examined. However, none of these models performedas well as the basic cognitive-responses-as-mediatorsmodel. 13 r12r23 r14 =r2r23r34 r24 =r23r34 .031 -. 022 . 429 -. 015 [(-. 022)(. 692)] -. 005 [(-. 022)(. 692)(. 310)] . 214 [(. 692)(. 310)] intention aRepetitionrCognitive response-Attitude-oPurchaseDISCUSSION The results of this study are not supportiveof Berlyne's (1970) two-factor theoretical account of repetition effects nor of Cacioppo and Petty's (1979) two-stage attitudemodification process model. Neither attitudesnor purchaseintentions were affected by the level of advertisingexposure. This is consistent with t he results of otherrepetitionstudies that have failed to find a significant main effect for repetition on these outcome measures. The patternof results found for the cognitive response measures was also inconsistent with theoretical expectations.The number of negative product/message-related thoughtsdid not decline between the one- and three-exposure conditions, as had been predicted. The negative thoughtsvariablealso failed to parallelthe resultsfound for the attitude and purchase intention measures for the oneand three-exposureconditions. This inconsistency, which was also found by Calder and Sternthal(1980) and, to a lesser degree, by-Cacioppoand Petty (1980), suggests that there is not always a direct correspondencebetween cognitive response and outcome evaluations.The second stage of two-factortheory and the two-stage attitudemodificationprocess, which predicts a decrease in affect and an increase in negative thoughts due to tedium and reactance, was partially supported. Neithe r attitudes nor purchase intentions showed a significant decline between the three- and five-exposure conditions. However, the significant increase in negative repetition-related thoughts between the three- and five-exposure conditions suggests that reactance to the multiple message exposures did become more pronouncedin the high exposure condition.The significant increase in repetition-related thoughts across the three exposure levels is not surprising,but it is noteworthy. Past studies of repetition and cognitive response have not directlyrecognized the possibility thatrepetition-relatedcognitions might occur as a result of excessive exposure to a message; instead, they have assumed that the recipient's reaction to message repetition impacts on more traditionalcognitive response variables, such as or counterarguments favorablemessage-relatedthoughts. From a strategicperspective, these findings have implications for the scheduling of adverising messages, particularly over short tim e periods. While the exposure levels used in this study were high for a one-hour time period, they are not totally inconsistent with actual media schedvalue uling practices. The results suggest that no short-term is gained from addedexposures. Media schedulesthatresult in high levels of message exposure in a limited time period run the risk of alienatingthe viewer and may not represent Althoughcognitive response measures were not taken in the study by Gom and Goldberg (1980), they did find negative repetition-related reactions to be commonplace: â€Å"Observationof the children suggested that when exposed to the same commercial three or five times, they became annoyedby the repetitions. Remarkssuch as â€Å"Oh no, not again† or â€Å"not anotherone† were common †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ . . . (p. 424). † 64 the most effective expenditureof media budgets.However, ratherthan focusing only on immediate postexposure reactions, it would be helpful to consider the effects of mul tiple message exposure over longer time periods, in order to determine the persistence of positive or negative responses. Crandall,Harrison,and Zajonc (1975) found that the negative effects of tediumfrom repeatedexposuresmay be only transitory,whereasthe positive effect is permanent. Stang (1974) also found satiationeffects to be short-lived: a small measurementdelay was more likely to show positive effects of exposure than an immediate measurement.Research similar to that of Cacioppo and Petty (1980), which uses delayed measures of cognitive response and the attitudechange, is needed to fully understand effects of message repetition. The use of delayed response measures in examining repetition effects is discussed in detail by Sawyer and Ward (1977). The results of this study are supportiveof other investigations suggesting that cognitive responses mediate postmessage attitudesand purchase intentions. Moreover, this studyoffers furthersupportfor the viabilityof using thought verbal ization data in studying communication effects.While the cognitive response models were capable of explaining a significantamountof the variancein attitudeand purchase intention, the aided and unaided recall measures did not show a significant relationshipto message acceptance despite the increase in recall scores across the three levels of exposure. These findingsare consistentwith other studies which have found that stimulus learningis not necessarily related to affective reactions (Cacioppo and Petty 1979; Greenwald1968; Wright19,73).These resultssupport the argumentthat cognitive cues generatedby the message recipient, ratherthan message arguments, are the primary mediatorsof message acceptance. [ReceivedMay 1981. Revised November 1981. ]RESEARCH THEJOURNAL CONSUMER OF REFERENCES Beaber, R. J. (1975), â€Å"The General Characteristicsof Covert Resistance Mechanisms and Their Relationship to Attitude Change and SpeakerPerception,† Unpublisheddoctoraldissertation,Department of Psychology, Universityof Southern California. Belch, George E. 1981), â€Å"An Examinationof Comparativeand Noncomparative Television Commercials: The Effects of Claim Variation and Repetition on Cognitive Response and Message Acceptance,† Journal of MarketingResearch, 18 (August): 333-49. Berlyne, D. E. (1970), â€Å"Novelty, Complexity, and Hedonic Value,† Perception and Psychophysics, 8: 279-86. Cacioppo, John T. , and Petty, Richard(1979), â€Å"Effects of Message Repetition and Position on Cognitive Response, Recall and Persuasion,† Journal of Personality and Social Psy97-109. hology, 37 (January): and Petty, Richard, (1980), â€Å"Persuasiveness of Communicationsis Affected by ExposureFrequencyand Message Quality: A Theoreticaland EmpiricalAnalysis of Persisting Attitude Change,† in Current Issues and Research in Advertising, eds. J. H. Leigh and C. R. Martin,Jr. , Ann Arbor: Division of Research, GraduateSchool of Business Administration, Univer sity of Michigan. Calder, Bobby J. and Sternthal,Brian (1980), â€Å"Television ComProcessingView, † Journal mercialWearout:An Information of MarketingResearch, 17 (May): 173-186. Craig, C.Samuel, Sternthal, Brian, and Levitt, Clark (1976), Analysis,† Journal â€Å"AdvertisingWearout:An Experimental of MarketingResearch: 13 (November):365-72. Crandall, R. , Harrison, A. A. , and Zajonc, Robert B. (1975), â€Å"The Permanence of the Positive and Negative Effects of StimulusExposure:A Sleeper Effect? ,† Unpublishedmanuscript, University of SouthernCalifornia. Ginter, James L. (1974), â€Å"An ExperimentalInvestigationof AttitudeChange and Choice of a New Brand,† Journal of Mar30-7. keting Research, 11 (February): Goldberg, Marvin E. , and Gorn, Gerald J. 1974), â€Å"Children's Reactions to Television Advertising: An ExperimentalApproach,† Journal of Consumer Research, 1 (September): 69-75. Gorn, Gerald G. , and Goldberg, Marvin E. (1980), â€Å"Chi ldren's Responses to RepetitiveTV Commercials,† Journal of Consumer Research, 6 (March):421-25. Grass, R. C. , and Wallace, Wallace H. (1969), â€Å"SatiationEffects of T. V. Commercials,†Journal ofAdvertisingResearch, 19: 47-57. Greenwald, A. G. (1968), â€Å"Cognitive Learning, Cognitive Response to Persuasionand AttitudeChange,† in Psychological Foundations of Attitudes, eds.A. G. Greenwald, T. C. Brock, and T. M. Ostrom, New York: Academic Press. Kleinbaum,David G. , and Kupper,LawrenceL. (1978), Applied Methods,North RegressionAnalysis and OtherMultivariable Scituate, MA: Duxbury Press. Krugman,HerbertE. (1962), â€Å"An Applicationof LearningTheory to TV Copy Testing,† Public Opinion Quarterly, 26: 626-34. (1965), â€Å"The Impactof Television Advertising:Learning Without Involvement,† Public Opinion Quarterly, 30: 583-96. (1968), â€Å"Processes Underlying Exposure to Advertising,† AmericanPsychologist, 23: 11-14.APPENDIX Sample Text o f CommercialMessages Announcingan importantadvance in the science of dental hygiene, new Shield toothpaste with fluorigard. Fluorigard is a new stannous fluoride substance developed by a biodental team at a leading university. Clinical tests by the American Dental Association have found new Shield to be more effective than Crest, the leading fluoride toothpaste, in reducing cavities. These tests showed that Shield, with its patented fluorigardformula, has significantly higher levels of fluoride activity than Crest.This means that Shield spreads faster while you brush, actually penetratingand cleaning in between your teeth, where most cavities occur. And Shield's fluorigard formulawas also preferredin taste tests. Remember, see your dentist regularly and brush often with new Shield, the only toothpastethat gives your teeth the protectionof fluorigard. REPETITION EFFECTSOF TV COMMERCIAL (1972), â€Å"Why Three ExposuresMay Be Enough,† Journal of AdvertisingResearch, 12: 11-14. Leavitt, Clark (1974), â€Å"Strong Versus Weak Effects of Mass Communications:Two Alternative Hypotheses,† in Buyerl ConsumerInformationProcessing, eds.G. D. Hughes and M. L. Ray, Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Lutz, RichardJ. (1978), â€Å"A FurtherExaminationof Two Laboratory Tests of the Extended Fishbein Attitude Model: Rejoinder,† Journal of Consumer Research, 4 (March): 266-271. McCullough, J. L. , and Ostrom, Thomas (1974), â€Å"Repetitionof Highly Similar Messages and AttitudeChange,† Journal of Applied Psychology, 59 (June): 395-7. Mitchell, Andrew, andOlson, JerryC. (1977), â€Å"Cognitive Effects of Advertising Repetition,† in Advances in ConsumerResearch, Vol. 4, ed. W. D.Perreault,Atlanta, GA: Association for ConsumerResearch, pp. 213-20. Olshavsky, Richard W. , and Granbois, Donald (1979), â€Å"Consumer Decision Making-Fact or Fiction,† Journal of ConsumerResearch, 7: 331-33. Osterhouse, R. A. , and Brock, Tim othy C. (1970), â€Å"Distraction Increases Yielding to Propagandaby Inhibiting Counterarguing,† Journal of Personality and Oocial Psychology, 15: 344-358. Petty, RichardE. , and Cacioppo, JohnT. (1977), â€Å"Forewarning, Cognitive Responding, and Resistanceto Persuasion,†Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 35: 645-55.Ostrom, Thomas M. , and Brock, Timothy C. (1981), CognitiveResponses in Persuasion, Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Ray, Michael L. , and Sawyer, Alan G. (1971), â€Å"A Laboratory Technique for Estimating the Repetition Function for Advertising Media Models,† Journal of MarketingResearch, 8: 20-29. Sawyer, Alan G. (1973), â€Å"The Effects of Repetition of Refutational and SupportiveAdvertisingAppeals,† Journal of Mar3-33. ketingResearch, 10 (February): (1977), â€Å"Repetition and Affect: Recent Empirical andTheoreticalDevelopment,† in Foundationsof Consumerand Industrial Buying Behavior, eds. A. G. Woodside, J. N. Sheth, and P. D. Bennett, New York: AmericanElsevier. (1981), â€Å"Repetition, Cognitive Response and Persuasion,† in Cognitive Responses in Persuasion, eds. R. E. Petty, T. Ostrom, and T. Brock, Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum,pp. 237-61. 65 , and Ward, Scott (1979), â€Å"Carry-OverEffects in Advertising Communication,† in Research in Marketing, Vol. II, ed. J. N. Sheth, Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, pp. 259-314. Silk, Alvin J. , and Vavra, J. G. 1974), â€Å"The Influence of Advertising's Affective Qualities on Consumer-Response,† in Processing, eds. G. D. Hughes Information Buyer/Consumer and M. L. Ray, Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, pp. 157-86. Simon, H. A. (1957), Models of Man, New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Stang, D. J. (1973), â€Å"Six Theories of Repeated Exposure and Affect,† Manuscript#482, JSAS Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology, 3: 126. (1975), â€Å"The Effects of Mere Exposureon Learningand Affect,† Journal of Personality a nd Social Psychology, 31: 7-13.Tesser, A. , and Conlee, M. C. (1975), â€Å"Some Effects of Time and Thought on Attitude Polarization,† Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 31: 262-70. , and Cowan, C. L. (1977), â€Å"Some Attitudinaland Cognitive Consequences of Thought,† Journal of Research in Personality, 11: 216-26. Winer, B. J. (1971), Statistical Principles in ExperimentalDesign, New York: McGraw-HillBook Co. Winter, FredrickW. (1973), â€Å"A LaboratoryExperimentof Individual AttitudeResponse to AdvertisingExposure,† Journal of MarketingResearch, 10 (May): 130-40. Wright, Peter L. 1973), â€Å"The Cognitive Processes Mediating Research, Acceptanceof Advertising,† Journal of Marketing 53-67. 10 (February): (1975), â€Å"Factors Affecting Cognitive Resistance to Advertising,† Journal of ConsumerResearch, 2 (June): 1-10. (1976), â€Å"An Adaptive Consumer'sView of Attitudesand Other Choice Mechanisms, as Viewed by an Equally Adaptive Advertiser,† in AttitudeResearch at Bay, eds. Deborah Johnson and William D. Wells, Chicago American Marketing Association, pp. 113-31. (1980), â€Å"Message-Evoked Thoughts: Persuasion ResearchUsing ThoughtVerbalizations,†Journal of Consumer Research, 2